ABC and the rise of Rush Limbaugh
The following brief history of ABC offers a perfect snapshot of
everything that has gone wrong with the media. This remarkable story
includes ABC's takeover by a conservative parent corporation, the demise
of the Fairness Doctrine, the rightward shift of the evening news,
the rise of conservative
talk radio, and the cozy relationship between a state and a press
that are supposed to be separate.
In 1985, ABC was taken over by Capital Cities, a conservative,
Roman Catholic media organization with extensive ties to the CIA.
(If you think we're making this up, you should know that the Capital
Cities takeover of ABC is one of the most analyzed in history,
and the subject of many books by Wall Street experts and scholars.
Especially recommended is Networks of Power, by Emmy Award-winner
Dennis Mazzocco.) (1)
Capital Cities was born in 1954, and rapidly prospered. Many of
its founders had previously worked in the U.S. intelligence community
and had a great amount of wealth, social contacts and influence
in government. Yet they opted to keep the company's actions out
of the public eye -- they did not flaunt their wealth with private
planes and lavish offices the way so many successful companies
do. Just exactly how well-connected Capital Cities was to the
CIA is unknown, but it is clear that the CIA concerned itself
with the company at various times. The fact that the CIA has often
used private businessmen, journalists and even entire companies
as fronts for covert operations is not only well-known by historians,
but legendary. (Recall Howard Hughes and Trans-World Airlines...)
One of Capital City's early founders was William Casey, who would
later become Ronald Reagan's Director of the CIA. At the time
of Casey's nomination, the press expressed surprise that Reagan
would hire a businessman whose last-known intelligence experience
was limited to OSS operations in World War II. The fact is, however,
that Casey had never left intelligence. Throughout the Cold War
he kept a foot in both worlds, in private business as well as
the CIA. A history of Casey's business dealings reveals that he
was an aggressive player who saw nothing wrong with bending the
law to further his own conservative agenda. When he became implicated
as a central figure in the Iran-Contra scandal, many Washington
insiders considered it a predictable continuation of a very
Another Capital Cities founder, Lowell Thomas, was a close friend
and business contact with Allen Dulles, Eisenhower's CIA Director,
and John Dulles, the Secretary of State. Thomas always denied
being a spy, but he was frequently seen at events involving intelligence
operations. Another founder was Thomas Dewey, whom the CIA had
given millions to create other front companies for covert operations.
Capital Cities prospered from the start; its specialty was to
buy media organizations that were in trouble. Upon acquisition,
it would improve management and eliminate waste until the company
started turning a profit. This no-nonsense, no-frills approach,
as well as its refusal to become side-tracked with other ventures,
made it one of the most successful media conglomerates of the
60s and 70s. Of course, the journalistic slant of its companies
was decidedly conservative and anticommunist. To anyone who believes
that the government should not control the press, the possibility
that the CIA created a media company to dispense conservative
and Cold War propaganda should be alarming. Rush Limbaugh himself
calls freedom of the press "the sweetest -- and most American
-- words you will ever find." (2) Apparently, he is unaware
of the history of his own employers.
By the 1980s, Capital Cities had grown powerful enough that it
was now poised to hunt truly big game: a major television network.
A vulnerable target appeared in the form of ABC, whose poor management
in the early 80s was driving both its profits and stocks into
oblivion. Back then, ABC's journalistic slant was indeed liberal;
its criticism of the Reagan Administration had drawn the wrath
of conservatives everywhere, from Wall Street to Washington. This
was in marked contrast to the rest of the White House press corps,
which was, in Bagdikian's words, "stunningly uncritical"
of Reagan. Behind the scenes, Reagan was deregulating the FCC
and eliminating anti-monopoly laws for the media, a fact the media
appreciated and rewarded. The only exception was ABC. Sam Donaldson's
penetrating questions during press conferences were so embarrassing
to Reagan that his handlers scheduled the fewest Presidential
press conferences in modern history.
Another controversy involving the liberal slant of ABC was its
airing of the anti-nuclear war movie The Day After. This
movie angered conservatives like Henry Kissinger, who believe
that the willingness to use nuclear weapons is actually a deterrence
to war. But Kissinger got a chance to respond to the movie on
national television. Nightline followed the movie with
a group discussion that included Kissinger and other conservative
pundits. The reason why ABC was so even-handed, presenting both
a liberal and conservative viewpoint on nuclear war, was because
they were required to by law: the Fairness Doctrine.
The Fairness Doctrine was repealed in 1987 by the FCC. Reagan
had staffed the FCC with prominent media businessmen who were
intent on slashing government regulations
of letting the fox guard the chicken coop. Among the many other
regulations slashed during the Reagan years were anti-trust laws
that prevented the media from becoming a monopoly. Much of this
was done under heavy pressure by corporate lobbyists.
In this atmosphere of deregulation, Capital Cities found the perfect
time to take over ABC. Not only were all the legal restrictions
removed, but by now Casey was head of the CIA, and whatever contacts
existed between the CIA and Casey's company (in which Casey held
substantial stock) were immeasurably strengthened. Capital Cities
soon began buying out ABC stock. The facts of the acquisition
remain curious and unconventional. Capital Cities was only one-fourth
the size of ABC, and there were much wealthier corporate giants
who were salivating over a plum like a television network. But
word got out on Wall Street that the Capital Cities takeover bid
was "protected" by Warren Buffet, a legendary trader
often described as the "Darling of Wall Street." (Until
1995, Buffet was the richest man in America.) With Buffet's help,
Capital Cities took over ABC. According to one source, a high-ranking
CIA official teased Casey, saying, "I understand Sam Donaldson
is working for you now."
Sam Donaldson would not be tormenting Republican presidents for
long. By the Bush Presidency, Donaldson was removed from covering
the White House and paired with Diane Sawyer in a weekly news
magazine that covered political fluff. Brit Hume, a staunch conservative,
would take his place, and the same torment that ABC once reserved
for Ronald Reagan would now be directed towards Bill Clinton.
The new conservatism at ABC was subtle but apparent. Peter Jennings,
noting that the program's "American Agenda" had a liberal
slant, stated that the news would pay more attention to conservatives,
since their ideas are "more provocative and less predictable
on some issues."
During the 1991 Persian Gulf War, Washington Post TV critic
Tom Shales noted that of all the networks, ABC was the "friendliest
to and least critical of the Bush Administration and its policies."
After the war, ABC marketed a video of General Schwartzkopf's
famous briefing of the war, entitled "Schwartzkopf: How the
War was Won." It sold 80,000 copies. Later, it would market
a video on life and times of Richard Nixon.
It would be wrong, of course, to conclude that ABC had gone Attila
the Hun. ABC News remained a source of somewhat balanced coverage;
both Sam Donaldson and George Will continued to do battle every
Sunday on This Week With David Brinkley. Indeed, some of
the most scientific pieces warning about the destruction of the
ozone layer came from ABC. The owners at Capital Cities/ABC couldn't
make the Evening News blatantly conservative because such a change
would be too controversial. But this did not defeat their effort.
They could still create a conservative forum from scratch, and
in this regard, the dying market of AM radio offered the opportunity
of a lifetime.
There are about 11,000 radio stations in the U.S., and Capital
Cities/ABC is by far the largest player. Either through outright
ownership or the sale of numerous services, they reach about half
the radio stations in America, and this number is growing. With
the Fairness Doctrine repealed, Capital Cities was able in 1988
to begin broadcasting one-sided editorials on conservatism. ABC
Radio Network President Edward McLaughlin scoured the nation's
radio stations for conservative talent, and his search led him
to Sacramento, to a little known disc-jockey named Rush Limbaugh.
Rush had attracted an audience with his vigorous and spirited
defense of Oliver North during the Iran-Contra hearings. McLaughlin
brought him to New York City for a one-month "on-air"
trial at Capital Cities/ABC's flagship radio station, WABC. For
the next two years, ABC put him on the fast track, handling all
his marketing, advertising and promotion. For legal purposes,
and to protect ABC's image of supposed objectivity, Rush formed
his own media company, Excellence in Broadcasting. But to this
day Rush continues to broadcast out of WABC's studios in New York.
ABC initially promoted Rush by arranging his appearance on other
debating shows, from Nightline to Donahue to
MacNeil/Lehrer. (Unfortunately, he did so poorly against real
live experts that this practice was eventually stopped.) Perhaps
the most eye-brow raising example of Rush's promotion was when
he appeared on an episode of ABC's 20/20 for an interview
with Barbara Walters. Given Rush's criticism of feminists as "feminazis,"
this interview was built up as a confrontation between a female
reporter in the mainstream media and Rush's supposedly misogynist
views. The fact that Barbara Walters herself is conservative was
nowhere mentioned. During the interview, Rush came across as charming,
humorous, reasonable and moderate, and Walters closed the segment
by stating that she actually liked him.
Ted Koppel's incessant praise of Rush Limbaugh is also an attempt
to bring him into the mainstream. The back cover of See, I
Told You So blurbs: "As no less a liberal than Ted Koppel...
said, 'You ignore him at your peril.'" On television, Koppel
has laughed with admiration over Limbaugh, calling him "terribly
articulate." But the anchor of Nightline is far from
liberal; indeed, Rush Limbaugh had to publicly apologize to Koppel
for calling him one. And researchers have criticized Nightline
for featuring a highly disproportionate number of experts who
are white male conservatives.
Rush Limbaugh explains his success as the result of his individualism,
of his refusal to do it someone's else's way. But the fact is
that his success has been orchestrated, financed and promoted
by Capital Cities/ABC. He also seems extraordinarily well-connected
to the Republican leadership in Washington, carrying out their
campaign strategies so faithfully that it is difficult to distinguish
his promotions from their campaign commercials. For example, when
Rush's television show debuted nationally two months before the
92 election, his producer was Roger Ailes, who was Bush's media
advisor throughout the campaign. Many of the themes that Ailes
had inspired earlier in the campaign showed up in identical form
on Rush's show, which resembled a program-length commercial for
the Bush campaign. When asked to give equal time to his opponents,
Rush responded "I am equal time!"
In 1994, not only the Rush Limbaugh Show, but hundreds of other
conservative talk shows dutifully raised the issues that Newt
Gingrich's Contract Information Center faxed to them each morning
about the Contract With America. Many went so far as to read them
verbatim over the air. And when the Republicans captured Congress
in 1994, they held a ceremony in honor of Limbaugh, naming him
"an honorary member of Congress" and "the Majority
Maker." That night, the conservative propaganda machine had
reached its full potential.
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1. This history of ABC and the rise of Rush Limbaugh is based
on Dennis Mazzocco, Networks of Power (Boston: South End
2. Rush Limbaugh, See, I Told You So (New York: Simon &
Schuster, 1993), p. 380.